
GIass_ j_J 
Book '^ilk 



WHAT IS UNCONDITIONAL UNIONISM? *) 



SPEECH 



OF THE 



HON. MICHAEL HAHN, 



d 



DKLIVERm,'BEFORK THE 



UNION ASSOCIATION OF NEW ORLEANS, 



/• ■■■ AT 



LYCEUM HALL, 



November 14, 1863. 



Netu (S)rUan0: 

PRINTED AT THE ERA OFFICEi 

1863. 



€> 



(Late Representativesin Congress.) ^) 



WHAT IS UNCONDITIONAL UNIONISM? 



SPEECH 

r9> 



OF THE 



HON. MICHAEL HAHN, 

(Late Representative in Congress,) 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE 



UNION ASSOCIATION OF NEW ORLEANS, 



AT 



LYCEUM HALL, 



IVovetnber 14:, 1863. 



Keu) ®rlcau0: 

PRINTED AT THE ERA OFFICE. 

1863. 



e: 



Hie 



[From the New Orleans Ei-a of November 15lli, ISKJ.J 



MR. H^^HN'S Snf^EECH- 



Our readers will find ia The Eua, tliis morning, a full report of the speech delivered 
before the Union Association, last evening, by Hon. Michael Hahn, late representative in 
Congress. We cannot agree with Mr. Hahn, in the opinion that Louisiana is still a State 
ia the Union, or a State at all ; at the same time, this is a matter of theory, and Mr. Hahn 
proposes precisely the same solution of the question that we have always been in favor 
of— namely, a convention of the people, for the framing ot a new coustitution. We believe 
this to be a necessity of the case, while he regards it simply as a matter of expediency ; 
and so, while differing in theory, we would agree in action. Mr. Hahn announces himself 
to be in favor of a free constitution, and thinks we had better abolish what little is left of 
slavery in the State ; at the same time he would not attach this principle as a condition to 
his Unionism. We believe that slavery is virtually abolished in Louisiana already ; and that 
in grafting freedom upon our new constitution, we shall only give form to the decrees of 
Providence. The Union men of Louisiana are, so fiir as we are informed, almost without 
exception, in favor of a free State, and we are glad that Mr. Hahn has so publicly announced 
his position in the matter. His rebuke of the Masonic Hall cabal is well deserved, and his 
objections to the constitution of 1SG2 are well worthy of study and reflection. 

In a word, it affords us much gratification to lay the views of Mr. Hahn before the pub- 
lic, and to say that the course ol action he propo.«es meets our heaity approval. The speech 
i3 a very suggestive one, and it is evident that its author has studied closely the various 
topics upon which ho tftuchi s. It exhibits the spirit of candor, and is tree from party 
vindictiveness. But we invite our readers to peruse it for themselves. They can draw their 
own conclusions, witliout further comment on our part. 



[From the Xcw Orleans Era, November 15lb, 1863.] 



UNION MEETING AT LYCEUM HALL. 



ENTHUSIASTIC DEMONSTRATION. 



SPEECH OF HON. MICHAEL HAHN. 



One of the largest aud most respectable audiences that have assembled in Lyceum Hall 
for a long time was in attendance last night to listen to the young and gifted orator of 
Louisiana, Hon. Michael Hahn, who had previously been announced as the speaker for the 
occasion. The ladies were, of course, there in fall numbers, and the music of the City 
Band lent its chorus to enliven the scene. The meeting was sufiiciently enthusiastic, and 
composed of the very best Union material in the city. At the appointed hour, the Pre- 
sident, C. W. Hornor, Esq., took his seat, and after the usual preliminaries of organiza- 
tion. Mr. Hahn took the stand, and when the applause subsided, in his usual happy 
and pleasant manner, addresi=ed the vast assemblage in the following language, as care- 
fully taken down by our stenographic reporter : 

Ladies and Gentlemen : 

I appear before you to-night in compliance with an invitation of the Union Associa- 
tion, and agreeably to the wishes of many citizens who value my political views, to address 
you a few remarks on questions of great concern to the people of Louisiana. I intend to 
avoid all eflbrt at oratorical embellishment, and to speak to you in the calm and unvar- 
nished style of reason and common sense. Instead of endeavors to arouse your passions, 
and to carry you along for lue moment by tender appeals to your hearts, I will 
employ facts and reason, so that the impressions which I may make may be of a lasting 
character. We have lately heard and read a great deal in this community about a free press 
and free speech. I intend to make the test to-night as to the truth of the boast that free 
speech exists among us ; for I expect to utter sentiments and present views which differ in 
certain respects with those entertained by many persons in this Hall. And I will say novr, 



tbat in consenting to address you on this occasion, I have not yielded in the slightcBt degree to 
the busy slanders of those who have unneceFsarilyfand maliciously souglit to injure me iu this 
community, on one hand by denouncing me as a "negro-worshiping abolitionist,"' a.ia on 
the other hand by stigmatizing me as a "Copperhead." I have, I think, shown my indif- 
ference to such slanders. They do not affect me ; I pass them by '• as the idle wind which 
I regard not." Nor can I be prevented from speaking to you on such subjects as I deem 
proper, by the appeals of friends who think that I ought to abstain from expressing my 
opinions on certain points for fear of damage to my political prospects. Political prospects ! 
Who ever knew me to conceal or disguise my political opinions with a view to personal 
advancement? Who ever knew me as an office-seeker? Those in high places who now 
have the giving of offices, know whether I have sought or refused offices. I have no ambition 
except to remain a citizen of this great and prosperous Union. I shall, therefore, regard- 
less of all outside influences, bo they -wicked or cliaritable.-' speak to you from the honest 
convictions of my heart and mind, whether my remarks be received with applause or dis- 
approval. 

I can hardly say anything on the glorious theme of the Union which you have not 
already heard. On that subject I liave frequently addressed you. The patriotic inscriptions 
which surround us on these walls, and the stars and stripes which hang over us, bear testi- 
mony to the patriotism of those who now meet in this Hall, and stand out in strong con- 
trast with the appearance of this place when the Secession Convention of Louisiana plotted 
treason within this chamber. However pleasant might be the general theme of the Union, I 
feel that there are now otlier questions of an important and practical character which 
should engage our attention. 1 will, however, say that, if any man wishes to know how I 
stand politically, Iwill inform him that I stand fully and squarely on the platform of Abraham 
Lincoln. Call him " Abolitionist," or call him " Copperhead," with him I am ready to stand 
or to fall. Let him be as true in the future as he has been in the past, and whatever he, 
in his honest discretion, shall deem good for the preservation of the Union. I will approve. 
and whatever he shall denounce as injurious to the Union, I will condemn. I bitterly regret- 
ted the defeat of my standard-bearer in the last Presidential election — the noble Doug- 
las — yet I have had opportunities of studying the character, moral and intellectual, of our 
present beloved Chief ^fagistrate, and I can sincerely give it as my opinion, that a better 
man than Abraham Lincoln could not have been elected. 

My friends, I regret to see the Union men of this State so much and so bitterly divided 
on a number of incidental questions, as to almost cause the question of the Union to occupy 
a subordinate position. I regret that before the rebel army has yet been entirely swept from 
our State, and while there is still so much necessity for harmony among the friends of the 
Union, you should allow your feelings and prejudices on minor questions to lead you so 
far astray as to resort to all manner of personal and political abuse, bickerings and divi- 
sions, calculated to seriously retard the progress of the Union cause, embarrass the officers 
©f the Government, and delay the restoration of civil power in our midst. I can truly say 
that I have not aided in getting up any such divisions ; and, so help me God, I shall not 
raise any of the questions which are the cause of so many bitter contentions among you, 
over and above the question of the Union. It needs no argunicut to show that the man who 
does not go for the Union unless slavery is abolisiied, or unless slavery is preserved, annexes 
condition'? to his Unionism, and is, therefore, not an unconditional Union man. On this 
subject I agree with Owen Lovejoy, of Illinois. In a debate which occurred in the House of 



Representatives of the United States, on the 29th of January last, Mr. Lovejoy, addressing 
Mr. Wicklifte, of Kentucky, used this language : 

" I will put the question to the gentleman now— if it is necessary to free all the slaves, 
and enlist them, in order to save the Union, whether he is -willing that it shall be done? 

" Mb. Wickuffe.— I will play the Yankee on you, and ask you a question in return. If 
the Union is to be saved or the negroes freed, are you in favor of emancipating the slaves 
and of letting the Union slide? (Laughter.) 

" Mr. Lovejoy.— I am in favor of slaving the Union first, last, and forever, by any means 
and all means, by abolishing shivery or by uot abolishing it, as it can best be done. That is 
what I am in favor of. Now I want the gentleman to answer my question." 

These are the noble words of a truly unconditional Union man. The man who docs 
not approve this sentiment is no unconditional Union man. My own position is this : I am 
"for the Union with or ivithoiU slavery, but prefer it without.'''' I am emphatically an 
unconditional Union man. I will not make it a condition of my Unionism that slavery 
should be abolished, nor that it shall be maintained. I go for the Union in either case, but 
prefer it without slavery. We have the authority— if our common sense needed any— of the 
President for saying that these opinions, and various other shades of them, " may be sin- 
cerely entertained by honest and truthful men." Perhaps it would be well for us to read 
what he has said on this subject. In Iiis reply to a committee, of which Mr. Charles D. 
Drake was chairman, representing a delegation of " radicals " from Missouri and Kansas, 
dated the 5th of October last, which was written while I was in Washington, and on the 
subject of which I heard tlie President's views orally expressed, the President uses this 
language : 

We are in civil war. In such cases there always is a main question ; but in this case 
that question is a perplexing compound— Union and Slavery. It thus becomes a question, 
not of two sides merely; but of at least four sides, even among those who are for the 
Union, saying nothing of those who are against it. Thus, those who are for the Union niiih, 
but not wlihoat slavery— those for it idthout, but not with— those for it with or icithout, but 
prefer it ictth, and those for it wilh or without, but prefer it to'tthoul. 

Among these, atrain, is a subdivision of those who are for (juadual, but not for immedi- 
ate, and those who are for immediate, but not for (jrailual, extinction of slavery. 

It is easy to conceive that all these shades of opinion, and even more, may be sincerely 
entertained by honest and truthful men. Yet, all being for the Union, by reason of these 
differences, each will prefer a different way of sustaining the Union. At once, sincerity 
is questioned, and motives are assailed. Actual war coming, blood grows hot, and blood 
is spilled. Thought is forced from old channels into contusion. Deception breeds and 
thrives. Confidence dies, and universal suspicion reigns. Each man feels an impulse to 
kill his neighbor, lest he be killed by him. Revenge and retaliation follow. And all this, 
as before said, may be among honest men only. 

One of the questions which has lately been thrust among the Union men of this city, and 
which has acted like a fire brand in some quarters, is that with regard to the present status of 
this State. A few gentlemen, who make up in point of talent for much which they want in 
point of numbers and originality, have sought to maintain a doctrine — as erroneous as it is 
mischievous — that Louisiana is now a Territory, and not a State of this Union. The fallacy 
and injustice of this doctrine have been so ably Fhown by many of the best lawyers of the 
country, especially in the recent speech of Hon. Montgomery Blair, delivered at Rockville, 
Maryland, which has been so extensively published and commented on, that I will not stop 
to discuss that question this evening. Some gentlemen of this city have recently made 
a publication, signed with their names, wherein they say : 

'• The Constitution of 1852, as amended by the Convention of 18G1, was overthrown 
and destroyed by the rebellion of the people of Loui.siauii, and the subsequent conquest by 
the arms of the United States does not restore our political institutions." 



The respectable eource from which this bold and extraordinary declaration emanates! 
entitles it to some notice. L our Stale Contitution, adopted in 1852, provided for a gov- 
ernment Republican in its form, and contained no provisions conflicting with the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, then it has not been overthrown, but still exists. The amendments 
referred to as having been adopted by the Convention of l.SGl, were no amendments at all, as 
tuey were in violation of the Constitution of the United States, and enacted by a treason- 
able vote of a Secession Convention. The very object of the army of the United State 
in coming here was to do away with the secession acts of the Convention and to keep 
Louisiana and the neighboring States in tlie Union. The presence of the army among us at 
this time, and the necessity of the establishment of martial law, of course sets aside and 
suspends for a time the active operation of the Constitution and laws of this State, so far 
only as they conflict with the orders and proclamations of the military commander. In all 
matters not provided for by martial law, the laws of the State are not suspended. Do^ 
we not see evidence of this every day? Go into our District Courts, named and regulated! 
by our State laws, and you will there hear the members of the bar and the judges every day 
refer to the Constitution and laws of this State, which, we are told, have been ''overthrown] 
and destroyed by the rebellion of the people of Louisiana." The statement that this is a 
rebellion of the people of Louisiana is news to me. Indeed, I think it is news to the geii-l 
tlemen who make it; for, if I am not greatly mistaken, they have frequently declared that I 
Louisiana did not secede from the Union by a vote of ber people. I should blush at tlieJ 
very mention of secession if I thought that a majority of the people of i ouisiana ha<l| 
voted for a dissolution of this Union; and as a Union man, with ray views of constitu-J 
tional law, I cannot admit that a rebellion by all the people of a State has any legal effect, 
except such as may be produced by violence and brute force for the time being. As soon 
as this unlawful violence and insurrection is put down, the Stale resumes her position in 
the Union ; and as soon as martial law is removed, her own loyal Constitution and laws, 
which have been temporarily suspended, regain their strength and go into operation. This 
proposition appears to me so plain, that 1 am really astonished to find a different opinion 
advanced by the able gentlemen whose language I have quoted. < 

But, because I argue thus, it must not be imderstood that 1 am an admirer of the pre- 
sent Constitution, or thatl am in favor of continuing it in force. I have discussed the mat- 
ter as a lawyer, in its logical and legal view ; but, as a citizen, I am in favor of a convention 
of the loyal people of Louisiana for the purpose of framing a new vionstitution. I could see 
no wisdom, no propriety, no common cense, in the eflbrt which was lately made by some of 
our Union friends to restore civil authoiity by holding an election for State officers, etc., in 
the curious manner which characterized their proceedings, if their cour.se had not par- 
taken so much of the Know Nothing proceedings of fornn-r days, they might have suc- 
ceeded in their undertaking. If, at a proper time, say about iwo monllis, before the day 
designated in the Constitution for the election, these gentlcnieu had come out openly, pul> 
liciy and manfully, and announced their inteutiou to hold an election, their action might 
iiave been traceable to motives of disinterested pairiotism. iJut. in iloing as they did. envel- 
oping their movements in mystery, meeting in secret, concealing their ticket and giving no 
intimation of their contemplated election until about three days before tiie election, they 
undeavored to fasten on the people of this .Stale a goverinucnt in opposition to their wishes, 
and without their knowledge. It is hardly nece.-sary for me to tell you that I could not 
approve such proceedings. When I join in an election it uiu>t be one partaking of the char- 



^cte^ of real, genuine democracy. It must be one of the poople, conducted in an open and 
lionorable manner, and in a spirit of patriotism. It is somewhat singular that all the leaders 
pf this movement, which so signally failed, are strong pro-slavery men ; and the belief is 
Umost irresistible that they were actuated more by a desire to preserve the " peculiar institu- 
|ion," than a real, sincere wish to restore civil authority. 

I The importance of establishing a civil government among us. and restoring Louisiana 
again to her proper position in the Union, cannot be overrated. Snch an event would not 
only remove from us many of the restrictions, burdens and inconveniences which now rest 
so heavily upon us, incident to the insurrection and the existence of martial law, and against 
iwhich we hear so many complaints in the community ; but it would also strengthen the 
jUnion cause elsewhere iu our country, and have a salutary effect abroad. As soon as the 
Union lines are extended to embrace a few more parishes, which can be done at any time, 
we should reorganize our State Government, and place ourselves completely in line with the 
loyal States of the Union. There is no reason why we should not all unite in this great 
movement, and put an end to the stigma of disloyalty which still rests upon the fair fame of 
our noble State. The whole country looks to us for immediate action in this matter. The 
President feels a deep interest in it, and, with that tender regard for the rights of the people 
which distinguishes his administration, is anxious to give you the selection of your own 
civil officers. Indeed, even in December last, he told me that just as fast as we could name 
to him competent and loyal citizens of our own, he would fill the Federal offices of this State 
with them. He has already acted on this principle in the appointment of a Judge, District 
Attorney, Marshal, and other officers. Let us then, like good citizens, proud of our rights 
come together in a spirit of harmony and patriotism, and place Louisiana where she belongs, 
and where she can be of service to the country. 

But how are we to do this ? Are we to resort to and continue to live under the present 
Constitution of Louisiana, or are we to call a Convention and make a new Constitution ? 
Are we to recognize and protect the limited amount of slavery which still exists, or are 
we, by a new Constitution, to wipe slavery from our soil? These are important questions 
They are deserving of our most serious attention and study. Many of us are quite rash, and 
many very timid, in coming to a decision ; many are of one opinion, many of another ; 
many are governed by calm reason and justice, others by interest and prejudice. I make 
neither plan a condition of my Unionism. I recognize good and true Union men on both 
sides, and 1 do not think that the cause which we all have so much at heart will be at all 
advanced by eucouraging the bandying of such epithets as '• Abolitionists '' and " Copper- 
heads." But, as the time is fast arriving when every man must take sides on these ques- 
tions, and as many of you have expressed a desire to have my views on them. I will 
briefly give them to you. 

I think the easiest and most prudent and expeditious way of restoring this State to 
all her rights in the Union, and giving her a civil government, is to call a Convention and 
frame a new Constitution. But we are told by the mysterious gentlemen who meet in the 
Masonic Hall, that there is no authority vested with the power to call a Convention except 
the Legislature, and that the Constitution can only be changed in the manner pointed out 
by its own provisions. If this were true, we would have to wail a long time before we could 
obtain a new Constitution ; for there is now scarcely a Legislature in existence, and even if 
there were, it is exceedingly doubtful whether it would be wi iing to call a Convention. 



The [present Constitution itself was not framed and adopted in accordance with the direc- 
tory provisions on that subject laid down in the former Constitution. But even the Legie* f 
lature is not vested by the present Constitution with the power to call a Convention for ' 
such a purpose. Nor can the constitutional provisions which are relied on. prevent the peo- ' 
pie from exercising their sovereignty and power in calling a Convention, in their own 
name, instead of going through the machinery of a legislative body, whenever they 
choose to do so, especially in a timeof war and treason on the part of their agefits. No, the 
people of the State have a right to act thus, and if they wish again to enjoy peace, happi- , 
ness and prosperity, the sooner they call this Convention and make a new Constitution, the 
better. 

The present Constitution of the State is unjust to the city ot New Orleans ; discrimin* 
ates unfairly between the slaveholder and the poor man, and is a barrier to the spirit of 
progress and humanity in our midst. It is, emphatically, the slaveholders' Constitution. 
The poor men of the State, recognizing it as the enaetmeut of a majority, submit to it like 
good Democrats. But as the slaveholders themselves were the first to disregard and throw it 
aside, and to join in the rebellion, they cannot complain when we, who are in favor of the 
Union, are also desirous of setting it aside and making a new one to suit ourselves. Turn 
about is fair play. 

I do not base my opposition to the present Constitution on its pro-slavery features 
exclusively. It has many other serious defects. I, and. I believe, every member of the bar 
in this city, object to the election of judges by the people. The respect and sanctity which 
should envelop the judicial robes forbid the ermine from mingling in the strifes of party con- 
tests. We want no judges on the bench elected by party spirit and carrying with them party 
prejudices. The appointment of jndges by the Governor, and their confirmation by the Sen- 
ate, will, of course, be somewhat influenced by party politics ; but in such case the large 
number of litigants appearing before them will not be known as either friends or opponents 
of the judges, as they bad no direct agency in their appointment, and can, therefore, 
reasonably expect impartial justice from the courts. From the' experience we have had 
under an elective judiciary since the adoption of the present Constitution, I do not know 
of a single individual in this city, of any respectable standing, who is not in favor of a 
change in the mode of selecting our judiciary. 

But the most serious objection to the present Constitution, and that which came near 
defeating it before the people in 1S.")2, is tliat arising from the basis of representation 
which it prescribes. Article eighth commences thus : " Representation in the House of Rep- 
resentatives shall be equal and uniform, and shall be regulated and ascertained by the total 
population of each of the several parishes of the State.'' The iniquity of this provision can 
best be illusti'atcd by supposing an example. Suppose the basis under this provision be 
fixed at one representative for every fifteen thousand inhabitants of all colors and conditions, 
and that the Parish of Jefferson has fifteen thousand inhabitants, all white and free, and the 
Parish of Assumption fifteen thousand inhabitants, of whom fourteen thou.sand nine hundred 
and eighty are slaves, and the other twenty are white men. Do you not see that in such a 
case the twenty white men in a slaveholding parish have the same vote and influence in the 
House as the fifteen thousand white persons in what might be termed the " freesoiP' 
parish ? 

la this fair and just to'the smkll planters and fkrmers, the adventurous frontiersmen, 
the honest mechanics, hard '^ labors, the enterprising manufacturers and merchants and the 



professional men of the States? No, certainly not. Why should a man, because he owns a 
plantation and slaves, have greater political rights than other men who have no such 
profitable investments ? What gives such property a superiority over other property polit- 
ically .? AVIu'ii the Convention which framed the Constitution of 1845, had under consider- 
ation a similar proposition, Mr. Roselius, then a senatorial delegate from this parish, very 
properly s aid : 

" So far from entertaining the idea of placing the basis according to population, gentle- 
men say that a par icular kind of property should be preferred. They say slaves should be 
represented, and are in favor of a miwd basis composed of population and exclusively ot 
slave property. If .^laves be adopted bojanse they are property, they are the most unstable 
and least permanent kind of property. Why not adopt other property ? Real property ? 
Why confine it to the slaves ? 

Thus spoke the Nestor of the Louisiana bar in 1845 ; and thus he closed a speech of 
great eloquence and power : 

" Before this issue all party diMindiom will cease. Not a single vote in the city will be 
cast in favor of a Constitution which contains so infamous a proposition. The city will be 
united in its resistance, and will have the sympathies and voices of the Qountry who are not 
insensible to the dictates of justice. The Constitution, with such a principle, will never 
be sunctioned — never! never! never! In common parlance, the delegation from the city 
will taiie the stump in opposition to its ratification, and will point out its gross and tiagraut 
injustice. They will appeal from the decision of this Convention to the decision of the 
people." 

Such arguments defeated the proposition for the time. In 1852, when the present Con. 
stitution was before the people for ratification or rejection, an esteemed friend of mine, who 
was the leader in the opposition, and through whose influence the Constitution came near 
being rejected, used this language : 

'• When, for instance, the basis of representation in this State has for forty years been 
the qualified electors, and can an attempt to deviate from this, as has been done in the new 
Constitution, upon which the people will soon be called to pronounce judgment, be regarded 
in any other light than a delibei-ate conspiracy to confer upon property rights, of which the 
people, it is hoped, will not perait themst-lves to be despoiled? Has anything ever been 
done heretofore, similar to the treason against the people contemplated in this new organic 
law ? Have the people of any other State in the Union ever consented to a compromise 
of their dearest rights, or to a vile barter of them, at the bidding of a grasping oligarchy. 
Who ever heard of an American population retrograding in their republicanism ; or of the 
people of any State in the South approving a Constitution intended to elevate the slave to the 
legislative importance of the white man ? " 

Again he said : 

" The idea that the free white population of this State can be reconciled to any system 
by which political power is to be transferred from their hands to those of men owning large 
gangs of slaves, is equally preposterous and dangerous ; and we earnestly entreat every one 
who is led away by this belief, to study the history of this country with more attention before 
the fatal step is justified by him. 

" It is all very well to say that unless this slave basis of representation be adopted, New 
Orleans will be still farther restricted in her representation. This may gull some people, but 
those who rely on it as a successful cover to the political degradation of the people of Loui- 
siana, sure to follow the adoption of the new Constitution, miserably deceive themselves. 
The people are not fools, whatever office-hunting or money-corporation demagogues may 
think or say in regard to them." 

Thus wrote the powerful pen ot Dr. Hugh Kennedy, in the True Delia of August 13th. 
1852. These quotations from the productions of two of our most talented and influential 
citizens, explain themselves and have a deep significance at this time, considering the opin- 
ions now entertained by those gentlemen. The same reasoning applies to the representation 



10 

iu the Slate Seiuno, which i^ uut only based un the total populatiim, but wliich limits New 
Orleans to a certain lixed number of Senators no matter what may he her population. 

Wc have- thus seen tiiat the present Constitution is more calculated to protect and ben 
elit the slaveholder than the other classes of our population. This is also the case with the 
laws of the State enacted by Le^^islatures elected on such a basis. Instead of develojjing 
tlie mechanical and mmufacturing capacities and resources of the State- instead of paying 
Some attention to tlie poorer and industrious clas.ses of our citizens— instead of giving Loui- ,. 
siana a name for enterprise, arts and sciences, our Legislatures have confined themselves 
almost exclusively to legislating for the protection of the interests of slavery. Much has , 
been said by the admin rs of slavery— those who pretend to belie\ e it a •' divine institution ;" 
about toe spirit of humanity and Christianity of our laws. I must co ifesij 1 have not been 
able to tind much of this spirit. I certainly do not see it in the statutes preventing masters 
irom liberating their slaves : providing for the mode of trial and punishment of slaves ; 
making it criminal to teach slaves to read and write ; and allowing slave families to be bro- 
ken up. and the parents and children, husbands and wives, to be separated forever in this 
world. If the interests of slaveholders are sacrificed in this way, it is their own fault. Let 
us get Over the difllculty as soon as possible, by emancipating the few slaves still in our 
State, and apply ourselves to the duty of devising some new plan for the prosecution of the 
accricultural interests. 

Some slaveholders erroneously imagine that when ihe laborers on the plantutioiis cease 
to be slaves the planters will be ruined, and no reasoning can convince them to the contrary. * 
Let us go into figures for a moment, and see if they are correct. A good field hand was 
worth in times of peace about fifteen hundred dollars. A fair interest on this sum in most 
of the Southern States was 10 per cent, per annum, making one hundred and filty dollars, 
so that it may be said the planter pays, or deprives himself of. one hundred and fifty do!lm« 
a year for tho services of his slave. He also runs the risk of the sickness or death of the 
slave, and escape from his involuntary servitude. When there is no slavery, and by adopt- 
ing the •• compensated labor system,"' the planter can hire a negro for tun dollars a month, 
making one hundred and twenty dollars a year, and run none of the risks of the slave-owuer. 
and receive a more willing and cheerful, and, therefore, more advantageous labor Many 
other facts might be mentioned to show the advantage to the intelligent planter of the free 
labor system. 

But many will say, " the negro when freed will not work." 1 humbly differ with them 
in this regard. Stringent and effective vagrant laws can be passed by the Legislature, which 
will secure their labor to the State, if they do not work otherwise. Some people say. •' the 
negro, if free, will leave the plantation at the very time his services are most needed, when 
the cane is to be cut and ground, or when the cotton is to be ])icked.'' This can also be 
provided against. The contracts for hire can be so made as to allow the planter to retain 
in his hands several months' wages until the grinding or picking season is over, and in case 
the laborer should violate his contract a forfeiture ot wages would be the consequence. Thus 
it will be seen the planter would not suflFer the least by the change. And if all this will 
not work well, then let the negroes 1)0 sent to colonies aViroad. where they will cease to 
trouble us ; and let the plantations be divided into small farms and cultivated by while 
labor. The cry that white labor cannot bj i)rolitably employed in this latitude could easily 
be shown to be erroneous, did my time permit mc to enter ou that Gvld. 



11 

1 

i Many, and especially blacks, will object to any proposition to colonize the colored peo- 
ple. The suggestion of colonization comes from no ill-will towards the negro. Colonization 
has been advocated by some of the leading minds and philanthropists of our country. It is 
pretty well ascertained, I think, that Mr. Lincoln favors it, and that the Postmaster General 
has advocated it. John McDonogh, whom you all remember as the philanthropic millionaire 
and the friend of the negro, gives expression, quaintly, to this impressive language in his 
Instructions to his executors : 

" Having been the friend of the black and colored man through the whole period of my 
',ong life, I will now (when near its close) give to them, (the free black and colored man, 
yhereverhe may be] through out our widely extended country,) a parting counsel and advice, 
in the interest of themselves and their posterity. The counsel I otter them, in all the sin- 
cerity of my soul, is that they separate themselves from the white man. That they take their 
wives, their children, and their substance, and depart to the land of their fathers ; that great 
and ancient land, where they and their posterity, through all their generations, may be 
safe, may be happy, living under their own fig tree and vine, having none to make them 
afraid.'' 

While I favor the emancipation of the slaves, and consider myself a friend of the colored 
people, I cannot but regret and condemn the course which some of them are now pursuing 
in this city. At a meeting lately held by them, the proceedings of which were reported in 
one of our newspapers, resolutions were passed demanding the right to vote with white men, 
and a petition was drawn up to be handed to the Military Governor asking such right. These 
persons do not styie themselves colored people in their resolutions and petition ; they think 
the words " natives of Louisiana" more significant and high-sounding, and appear to forget 
that the general term " natives," includes white persons as well as colored. The spirit of 
. Know-Nothingisra which pervades their document is more evident and more boldly expressed 
in the speeches of their orators. One of their oracles was not satisfied with giving us his legal 
opinion that " Louisiana is a Territory, not a State " — for which opinion he had distinguished 
authority, as we have already seen — but thought proper to make an attack on our naturalized 
citizens, especially those from Ireland and Germany, which was as unnecessary and imper- 
tinent as it was unjust. " Go to the Eegistration office," said this colored Know-Nothing, 
' and see the crosses there of Irishmen and Germans who cannot write their names." This 
fling at the intelligent, honest and Union-loving citizens of German origin is as ill-timed and 
ungracious as it is untrue. The Germans as a general thing do not make their crosses, but 
sign their names, and in beautiful penmanship at that. They have excellent schools in abun- 
dance in the country of their birth. As to the Irish, the oppression of the British Government 
deprives many of them of a book-education ; but their general vivacity, activity, wit and 
intelligence, is proverbial. No battle has yet been fought in the cause of the Union, in which 
Irish and German blood has not been freely and nobly shed for the good of the whole coun- 
try. The deeds of those who went to battle and imperiled their lives in our country's cause, 
under the bkillful Sigel and the dashing Meagher, will be imperishable in history. The 
rash and imprudent statements of such speakers will do more damage than good to the cause 
of their race. The Union men of this State have a pretty heavy task before them already ; 
t!iey are sacrificing their dearest friendships in order to assist in saving the Uiiion and 
giving freedom to the colored race. If the colored men are not satisfied with the efforts we 
are making towards general emancipation, but insist upon thrusting other issues and obsta- 
cles in our path, they may find all our efforts in vain. But let us see what principles they 
adopt where they have the power. On the 2Gtb day of July, 18i7, the people of the- 



12 

Republic ol" Liberia adopted a CoustiUitioa. of which tho L'ith pcotion ..f Article II rea^i 
thus : 

••The great object of formini,' (lu'se culoiiies being to provide a imiiii' lor the dispersed 
and oi)pre.ssed cliildren of Africa, and to regenerate and enlighten this l)enighted continent 
none but persons of color ^hall be admitted to cilizemldp in this Bejjuhlic."' ^ 

But, ladies and gentlemen, I feel that I have trespassed too much upon your patience if 
I think 1 have adhered to my promise made at the commencement of my remarks ; I hav*) \ 
studiously avoided any attempts at eloquence, and I have given you my views in an honesf 
plain and practical manner. I \fould have been glad to have touched on other questions Oj •• 
importance, but it is time that I should close. In conclusion, let me appeal to you, as lovei/ff, 
of your country, to discard all personal controversies and irritating discussions calculatel,] 
to divide Union men, and to sink all minor questions into the great one of unconditionaf, 
loyalty to the Union. Let us imitate the noble example of our brethren in the great Statesli 
of Oiiio, Pennsylvania and New York, whose unconditional devotion to the Union Las 
crushed out all other questions ; and who, in their love of country, have cast aside all for 
mer party diftcrences, have ceased for a time to be Republicans or Democrats, have divided 
on no minor issues, but have, in their recent elections, nominated Union men, and have 
worthily achieved a most glorious Union victory. 



The speaker was frequently interrupted by loud and enthusiastic demonstrations o! ■ 
applause, and when he retired the people seemed to regret that he did not continue to tall^ 
oD, for he could have held them listening all the night long. 



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